Challenging Convictions: Survivors of Sexual Assault/Domestic Violence Writing on Solidarity with Prison Abolition

DEADLINE EXTENDED Completed submissions due: June 15, 2012.

Like much prison abolition work, the call for this anthology comes from frustration and hope: frustration with organizers against sexual assault and domestic violence who treat the police as a universally available and as a good solution; frustration with prison abolitionists who only use “domestic violence” and “rape” as provocative examples; and, frustration with academic discussions that use only distanced third-person case studies and statistics to talk about sexual violence and the Prison Industrial Complex (PIC). But, this project also shares the hope and worth of working toward building communities without prisons and without sexual violence. Most importantly, it is anchored in the belief that resisting prisons, domestic violence, and sexual assault are inseparable.

Organizers of this anthology want to hear from survivors in conversation with prison abolition struggles. We are interested in receiving submissions from survivors who are/have been imprisoned, and survivors who have not. Both those survivors who have sought police intervention, as well as those who haven’t, are encouraged to submit. We are looking for personal essays and creative non-fiction from fellow survivors who are interested in discussing their unique needs in anti-violence work and prison abolitionism.

Discussions of sexual assault, domestic violence, police violence, prejudice within courts, and imprisonment cannot be separated from experiences of privilege and marginalization. Overwhelmingly people who are perceived to be white, straight, able-bodied, normatively masculine, settlers who are legal residents/citizens, and/or financially stable are less likely to experience violence, while also less likely to encounter the criminal injustice system than those who are not accorded the privileges associated with these positions. At the same time, sexual assault and domestic violence support centers and shelters are often designed with certain privileges assumed. We are especially interested in contributions that explore how experiences of race, ability, gender, citizenship, sexuality, or class inform your understandings of, or interactions with cops, prisons, and sexual assault/domestic violence support.

Potential topics:
· What does justice look like to you?
· Perspectives on police and prisons as a default response to sexual assault
· What do you want people in the prison abolition movement with no first hand experiences of survivorship to know?
· How did you overcome depression/feelings of futility when dealing with these systems?
· Critical reflections on why the legal system has or has not felt like an option for you
· Perspectives on the cops/PIC participating in rape culture
· Restorative justice and other methods for responding to sexual violence outside of the PIC? (if you are a settler be conscious of appropriations of indigenous methods)
· How have you felt about conversations you’ve had about the PIC?
· How sexual assault inside and outside of the PIC is treated by organizers against sexual assault, domestic violence, and the PIC
· Police and prison guards as triggers
· Responding to sexual assault and domestic violence when communities weren’t there for you
· What the legal system offers survivors and what it doesn’t
· Rants at manarchists, the writers/directors of televised cop dramas, and communities that let you down
· Survivor shaming for reporting and for not reporting to police

Please submit first-person accounts, critical reflections, essays, and creative non-fiction to survivorsinsoli [at] gmail [dot] com by JUNE 15, 2012 with “Submission” as the subject line.

Please:
· One submission per person;
· English language (we are happy to work with authors who may need assistance writing in English);
· Pseudonyms welcomed, as are name changes in the written piece.

If you are passing this on to someone without computer access:
· We accept scans of hand written letters (please include contact info for the author);
· Contact us if you require a mailing address.

Early submissions are encouraged. First time authors encouraged.

If you have questions, we welcome emails to survivorsinsoli [at] gmail [dot] com with “Question” in the subject line. We are looking for both shorter pieces of writing and longer pieces, but if your piece is more than 20 pages consider sending us an email to run the idea by us.

Please attach a short biography that you are comfortable sharing with the editors (200 word max.). This is not about your credentials, but getting to know you and where you are coming from. All information you provide will be kept confidential.

About selection and editing: Submissions will be reviewed by a group of readers who will consider if and how each written piece could contribute to the finished project. Each piece will be read by at least two readers who will contribute to the decision to accept/reject/edit the piece. Some of us working on this project have been made to feel alone as both survivors and abolitionists. Some of us have managed to carve spaces within these communities. Now we are looking to open the conversation and hear from people we’ve never met, who have struggled to practice politics in a rape culture and police state. We believe that the needs of survivors matter in these movements, and we don’t need someone else to speak for us or about us as case studies and numbers. We want to hear from you.

For more information please visit: http://survivorsinsoli.blogspot.com/
Deutsch: http://survivorsinsoli.blogspot.de/p/deutsch.html
Español: http://survivorsinsoli.blogspot.de/p/espanol.html

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Bombing at European Union headquarters in Buenos Aires

From Liberación Total (May 1, 2012):

To be sincere, we must highlight that the reason why we attacked the European Union diplomatic headquarters was principally to let the Greek comrades on hunger strike and the Italian comrades who have recently suffered raids and arrests know that we are here and that the overwhelming distance separating us will not stop us from feeling complicit in the revolutionary war.

But the arrests of the Chilean comrades a few days ago in the context of the Security Bank trial struck us full-on in the jaw, and we therefore couldn’t avoid avenging them.

This noble gesture of love is directed toward those already mentioned and those we still haven’t mentioned.

Likewise, it is a call to attention for the capitalists and their mercenaries. Remember that attacks on symbols of POWER will continue to spread. Your cars, police, and banks are going to burn and explode.

To the groups and individuals who, like us, have the possibility of struggling from this side of the prison walls, we say that it is necessary to extend the offensive against Power.

TO SOW TERROR WITHIN EVERY AUTHORITARIAN HEART.

TO SPREAD CHAOS.

TO EXTEND AND STRENGTHEN THE INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION.

—CELL OF CONSPIRATORS FOR THE SPREAD OF CHAOS (INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION)

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Riot police bus torched in Mexico City

From Liberación Total (April 30, 2012):

Don’t you have any other excuses besides a simple short circuit?

Could it be because we took action right in front of you and you didn’t even realize it?

Comrades, during the night of Monday, April 23, we torched a bus used for transporting the grenadier corps (riot police) to suppress conflicts, blockades, demonstrations, etc. At around 11 p.m., we placed an incendiary device in one of the several buses parked right beside the juvenile prison located at the corner of Avenida Obrero Mundial and Calle Peten in the Narvarte suburb of Mexico City. The incendiary device carried out its task perfectly. Though our main goal was to set fire to two buses, for various reasons we only placed one device. When we say we took action right in front of them, not only are we referring to the location of the buses behind the prison, but also to the patrol car with its lit siren and two prison guards armed with rifles a mere five meters from our target.

We didn’t attack the property of the police in response to the “injustices” they perpetrate, since we don’t believe in the justice that underpins their repressive acts. We set their property on fire as a form of attack on the very existence of police and prisons. As anarchists, we can’t frame our actions within demands that plainly advocate for citizenist causes, whether they involve tiny reforms in response to enormous problems or mere calls to punish the authorities that—under certain “policies”—are accused of incompetence, oppression, or governing badly. We should stay far away from adopting “revolutionary” slogans that perpetuate the existence of prisons, the State, and Capital. We must struggle for the complete destruction of this and any other kind of prison society!

We claim this action in solidarity with anticivilization Anarchist comrade Braulio Durán, who one day decided to take that important step in the struggle, who didn’t just sit around with a mouthful of words and instead shifted into action, who is currently imprisoned in the State’s dungeons in León, Guanajuato. We show solidarity with comrade Tortuga in Chile and we Avenge brother Mauri, who fell in combat. Solidarity with the anarchist compas suffering reprisals at the hands of the Italian State! Solidarity with the comrade prisoners from the Fire Cells Conspiracy and Revolutionary Struggle in Greece! Solidarity with the brothers and sisters recently arrested on charges of explosives possession in Chile! Revolutionary solidarity with the arrested and fugitive comrades in Barcelona!

We are warriors for freedom. We have chosen our path, and it is hard sometimes. But with conviction and total determination we move forward and do not allow ourselves to be defeated, since in our struggle against the State and Capital there can be no truce with those who want to impose their authority on us. And as a prayer, the old insurrectionary anarchist slogans:

Neither dialogue with Power, Nor mediation with the State and its institutions!

Social war on all fronts!

Long live anarchy!

—International Solidarity Conspiracy (Informal Anarchist Federation)

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Summary of day 16 (Friday, April 27) of 2nd Halandri Case trial

Only one of the defendants, Michalis Nikolopoulos, appeared in the courtroom, as he is the only one who still isn’t on hunger strike.

The presiding judge first read the statements of the three hunger striking defendants (Damiano Bolano, Giorgos Nikolopoulos, and Christos Tsakalos), in which they explained that they weren’t going to attend the trial and they asked for a postponement of the judicial proceedings. Defense attorney Frangiskos Ragousis then also requested a brief postponement. Presiding judge H. Vriniotis became furious, repeating again and again that “the trial can continue even if the defendants are absent,” etc.

Comrade Michalis Nikolopoulos then spoke, on the one hand requesting a postponement of the trial and on the other threatening Vriniotis by saying: “Don’t even think about continuing this trial without the presence of my three comrades.”

Prosecutor Liakopoulos had no objections and proposed that the trial be postponed. The next session is scheduled for May 11.

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Summary of day 15 (Friday, April 20) of 2nd Halandri Case trial

In the context of the various hunger strikes begun by different members of the Fire Cells Conspiracy and other combative prisoners in Greece, the session began with Michalis Nikolopoulos reading two statements regarding those hunger strikes—one written by Nikolopoulos himself and the other written by Christos Tsakalos and Damiano Bolano.

After the statements were read, the presiding judge called for a 15-minute recess so that defense attorney Frangiskos Ragousis could find out “if the Ministry has perhaps already made a decision concerning the transfer demands.” Since the Justice Ministry had obviously done nothing, the presiding judge said: “I can allow the trial to be postponed for a week due to health reasons, and by doing so I am exhausting all the limits of clemency.”

Defense attorney Ifigenia Karandrea then stated that she had found the address of former Antiterrorist Unit chief D. Horianopoulos, whom the defense had asked to be subpoenaed to testify. You’ll recall that during the previous session the judges said they were incapable of serving Horianopoulos with a subpoena since they didn’t have his address, and they insolently told the defense attorneys to look for the address themselves. Now the presiding judge had the nerve to question if the address obtained by Karandrea was correct. Ragousis reminded the judges that—according to the law—it is their duty to subpoena witnesses and, if said witnesses refuse to appear, order their arrest.

Ragousis then handed the judges a letter from Athina Tsakalos, the mother of brothers Christos and Gerasimos Tsakalos. She herself was present in the courtroom but she refused to testify. The letter wasn’t read in court, and the presiding judge simply announced that “it will be added to the transcript.” The complete letter is as follows:

TO THE COURT

Every act of rebellion expresses a nostalgia for innocence and an appeal to the essence of being.

—Albert Camus

I am asking myself: why are parents of the revolutionary anarchists of the Fire Cells Conspiracy being subpoenaed to trial? Why are they subpoenaing me? Are they doing it in order to ask me if I know something about the organization? To ask me questions about the personal lives of my sons, sketch out their “psychological profile,” or get an opinion on their “family life”? Or to ask me if I agree with the actions of my sons and, in general, those of the organization? To stand me up in front of this court, supported by that little book, and make me swear to that god you have placed in the service of power? To make revolutionary anarchists feel uncomfortable while their parents are asked a bunch of awkward questions? Or is it so that you yourselves can rejoice at the thought that you have made us believe that it is we who must give the answers and make an apologia?

I declare, once again, that in no instance am I going to respond positively to your invitation. And since, as demonstrated by everything that’s going on, an entire series of similar trials is set to begin, I tell you that it’s not worth the effort to send me more subpoenas because my position will continue to be the same. Under no circumstances am I going to attend this trial. I will not answer a single one of your questions. The actions of my sons and their comrades was and is clearly political, revolutionary, and anarchist, and it is therefore unnecessary to investigate the parameters of their private lives. The organization, membership to which they have admitted, has formulated its positions with total clarity, precision, and courage. Anything I could say would be slight and insignificant. And since I would like to leave certain things as clear and potent as they already are, and because I don’t want to give anyone the satisfaction of ruining everything with stupid, excessive questions, I am choosing the position of absence.

Referring myself to this trial, I don’t want to allow a certain phrase—one that is continually repeated with great zeal and emphasis—to hang in the air as a potential display of temerity and honesty. I’m talking about the phrase: “We are trying the case by examining it in depth.” Which means that, as you say, you are trying the case in accordance with nothing less than the clauses of your laws. Which means that you will pass judgment based on evidence, and not on the circumstantially conclusive or according to the logic of collective responsibility. And if I am mentioning that phrase it’s not because I suddenly expect miracles, but because at a certain moment—and especially in cases dealing with the revolutionary actions of certain people—words must take on importance and responsibility. Despite the fact that, thus far, this judicial process has indicated nothing of the kind. Every objection based on common logic, like that of recognizing the prisoners as political (exactly as defined by your Constitution and in exactly the same way it’s also mentioned in the charges), was rejected out of hand, without any logic. The concept of assuming political responsibility has been mistaken for criminal responsibility, and that’s obviously not due to ignorance or chance. Therefore, I underscore that phrase and at the end of the trial we will be able to see whether you are indeed serious about what you are saying.

It’s true that, since the beginning of the criminal prosecution of these revolutionary anarchist contemporaries, I have discovered and paid particular attention to a painting: Bruegel’s painting entitled Landscape with the Fall of Icarus. The fall of Icarus has to do with the desire of human beings to escape Earth’s grip. To fly. To also be sovereign in the air, as well as to walk on air.

It is about pride, arrogance, disobedience, and the desire to show that human beings are capable of doing anything. And now comes the painter, and in the foreground he places the farmer. Dedicated to cultivating the land, nothing else matters to him. And in the background the shepherd, a bit more curious, but he is also looking in the wrong direction. Even further in the background is the impressive boat continuing its journey, and there in the corner is the drowned Icarus’ poor little foot. I never before saw the glory of Icarus’ project treated in such a way, and perhaps that’s no coincidence. I don’t know what the painter’s philosophy was, but perhaps the meaning is that people today are too fixed in their ways for bold experiments, too afraid of change, not daring enough to recognize or try something new.

Looking at the painting, I don’t accept its treatment of that glory. Especially now, when in our country they judge people who still have the audacity to believe that if anything in this life is worth doing it is the projects of Icarus, no matter how much pain they may hold, how much imprisonment and sentencing they may impose. I want to maintain the hope and belief that at some point the people involved in today’s rebellions will be placed in the foreground, recognizing the urgency of flight.

—Athina Tsakalos

P.S. And if I am sending this note it is because the court’s insistence on my appearance there is very personal, and above all because I do not allow myself silence. Silence only corresponds to the dead, and in our times it is being applied during these trials by those who are completely subjugated to the orders of power.

And if you truly want to understand the people who are being judged, read their discourse and look at their attitude. Christos Tsakalos, Gerasimos Tsakalos, and Panayiotis Argyrou are on day 12 of a hunger strike, yet they declare: “The tigers of wrath are wiser than the horses of instruction” (William Blake) and “When one doesn’t die for another, we are already dead” (Tassos Livaditis).

On April 17 they began a hunger strike in support of their comrades Giorgos Polydoras, Damiano Bolano, and Haris Hatzimichelakis, while the other members of the imprisoned cell of the Fire Cells Conspiracy will follow suit at certain dates.

The trial was adjourned to Friday, April 27.

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