Summary of day 18 (Wednesday, May 16) of 2nd Halandri Case trial

The session began with the following statement read by comrade Christos Tsakalos:

A few days ago, some exceptional news transformed the slow death of prison into a sign of life.

In Italy, our brothers and sisters from the Olga Cell of the Informal Anarchist Federation/International Revolutionary Front rewarded Roberto Adinolfi—head of nuclear energy company Ansaldo Nucleare—with three bullets in his legs. An enemy fell to the ground and a marvelous beacon of war dawned.

At this very moment, black-clad messengers of destruction are continuing to carry the flame of anarchy in the most faraway places.

They are our brothers and sisters from the Bolivian Informal Anarchist Federation, who tirelessly attack the frozen immobility of social death. This time, they placed an explosive device at a business that imports Renault cars from France.

We have some ugly news for this world’s law-abiding citizens.

For all of you who hide behind your very sober neckties, who work in your sterile offices, who live shut away in your stylish apartments, who wear your expressionless masks, who lie down in the mediocrity of your desires and sleep through borrowed dreams.

Your world is a guillotine that murders life.

Your ideals are concealed within your well-fed bellies and your empty hearts.

This society massacres our freedom, while your soldiers lock us up in your prisons, far away from our brothers and sisters.

But we can still hear their voices.

They are the conspirators of the Informal Anarchist Federation/International Revolutionary Front and the anarchists of praxis of the Black International, who emerge from the unknown and set thousands of fires to society’s peaceful dream.

They are our brothers and sisters. When they laugh they have stars in their eyes, and when they cry their tears become thorns, bullets, dynamite, and stones.

They are all of us who have chosen to inhabit the extremes. They are all of us who have no country and whose home is the sky and the stars.

They are all of us who destroy with a laugh and set fires with a song.

And power will die, the state will die, society will die.

Because only outside the limits of every compliance, every obligation, every rule, and every society can autonomous individualities exist who are nourished by the fire and chaos of an unyielding spirit.

Long live our brothers and sisters in the Olga Cell.

Long live our brothers and sisters in the Informal Anarchist Federation/International Revolutionary Front.

—Imprisoned members cell of the Fire Cells Conspiracy

Tsakalos continued to speak. He said the attempts by the presiding judge and the prosecutor to suppress the political nature of the trial were in vain. By trying to speed up the proceedings, they were indirectly admitting that the sentences had already been predetermined. Tsakalos also spoke about the political higher-ups who are in fact deciding on everything that goes on at the trial. In addition, he made reference to a certain Eleni Kondopoulou, who was subpoenaed as a witness but never appeared. Tsakalos said she doesn’t exist. Antiterrorist Unit pigs initially stated that they had identified her as one of the people who used to visit Haris Hatzimichelakis’ apartment in Halandri, so the judicial authorities issued an arrest warrant but then declared her innocent, evidently in order to cover up the mistake they made. The woman most likely doesn’t exist, and she existed only in judicial orders.

The defense attorneys then reminded the presiding judge about the petitions they had submitted during prior sessions. Among other things, they requested to once again subpoena all the Antiterrorist Unit police as witnesses (since enormous discrepancies emerged in their testimonies), as well officer Tziotis (who hasn’t yet made an appearance) from the same department, politician Louka Katseli, and former vice minister Stavros Kalafatis.

Defense attorney Frangiskos Ragousis reminded the judges that, despite accepting his request to subpoena Antiterrorist officer I. Frangiskos, the witness never made an appearance. Prosecutor I. Liakopoulos suggested that all such requests be rejected because they supposedly “don’t meet even the most minimal standards.” Liakopoulos considered the request to subpoena Katseli to be especially “exaggerated,” saying that “since her husband came here, there is no need for her to come as well.”

The examination phase for prosecution witnesses thus came to an end. Witnesses for the defense would now ordinarily have to testify, but the defendants rejected this “democratic right” since, according to Tsakalos, “only we ourselves can defend our actions.” The only one to testify as a defense witness was comrade Theofilos Mavropoulos, who made the following statement:

Growing up in a society of submission, resignation, hypocrisy, and stagnation, I felt the urgency to live my life as a human being and not as a number. To be a protagonist of my life and not a spectator. To satisfy ALL my desires here and now and avoid the muck of a passive waiting. I therefore sought out a new path, far removed from the endless pursuit of power.

I quickly realized that the only way one could live without power was to stand against it. Against institutions, against society, against relationships and perceptions that foster the human perversion of desiring the existence of hierarchy.

The enemy—power—undoubtedly has a spiritual as well as a material basis. In other words, it has subjects at its disposal who are determined to defend it with material violence, but it also has followers who spread the authoritarian obsession throughout the diffuse social fabric.

Thus, during centuries of human history, power developed through destructive wars and flourishing civilizations, arriving at its current globalized state while keeping thousands of years of experience in its curriculum in order to protect itself and extend its reach. Naturally, its greatest achievement of all is the fact of its consolidation within the prevailing social conscience.

What I, for my part, had to oppose against all that was the application and spread of my anarchic code of values.

However, the obvious inequality in the ratio of forces leads to the unavoidable choice of a strategic war against the regime—specifically, anarchist revolutionary war. The collectivization of antiauthoritarian action whose principle is the polymorphism of the means of struggle has thus become my existential priority.

I participated in different anarchist interventions in social space-time. From demonstrations, rallies, distributing political texts, postering, and powerfully combative marches to conspiratorial urban guerrilla actions.

By dedicating the most recent period of my life to armed anarchist struggle, I came to appreciate the tactic of urban guerrilla war. Surprise attacks on the structures of authoritarian society paralyze its defense mechanisms, since it is almost incapable of meeting a blow that is unpredictable insofar as the space and time at which it will be struck. The effects of a series of successful guerrilla attacks directed against strategic targets located behind the front lines of power, apart from causing material sabotage,  naturally have a negative impact on the enemy’s morale as well. Urban guerrilla war, as a methodology and as a way of life, uses discourse and practice to intensify the rupture with the existent and create limitless prospects for bringing about anarchy.

With this viewpoint as my basis, I came into contact with my comrades, creating the strongest of brotherly relationships.

Some of them are in front of you today, seated in the dock, while society has entrusted you with judging them for their anarchist political action.

But unfortunately for you, your court martial is incapable of repressing anarchist action’s impetuousness for freedom. Because anarchy is always seeking and finding new ways to escape from prison.

The defendants proudly and unapologetically took responsibility for their participation in the Fire Cells Conspiracy revolutionary anarchist organization, honoring and cementing their choices. Instead of their remorse, which you had perhaps hoped to elicit, what you are receiving is their total rejection and their general rupture with the world of power to which you are doing faithful service, as well as a sardonic smile—the same one we had when we were all sitting together at a table and polishing our weapons. We were undermining your society, maneuvering against it, sliding bullets into the clip with the same insolence with which we now flip through the pages of these charges. A page, a bullet, a page, a bullet.

We are not afraid and we will not retreat, because as long as we keep trying we are alive and free.

LONG LIVE THE FIRE CELLS CONSPIRACY REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHIST ORGANIZATION/INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTONARY FRONT.

PERMANENT INSURRECTION FOR ANARCHY.

The judges then moved on to the next part of the proceedings, which consists of the reading of texts and statements by witnesses who were unable to appear at the trial.

The trial was adjourned to Friday, May 25.

Posted in Analysis, Communiqués, Greece, News | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Summary of day 17 (Friday, May 11) of 2nd Halandri Case trial

Former Antiterrorist Unit chief D. Horianopoulos finally made an appearance after multiple requests to subpoena him. Despite being the one who set up—at least on an operational level—the Halandri arrests, he now tried to pass himself off as a simple “office worker” who signed warrants from his desk and was only in the loop thanks to other Antiterrorist officers. Using the tactic of “I know, saw, and heard nothing,” he said there was no surveillance or pursuit until September 20, 2009—three days before the raid on Haris Hatzimichelakis’ apartment in Halandri—and that the only information assisting the Police in targeting said apartment came from an anonymous telephone call.

Comrades Christos Tsakalos and Michalis Nikolopoulos insistently and repeatedly asked Horianopoulos how that could possibly be true, given that certain articles to the contrary had appeared in the bourgeois press long before that date. Already in August 2009, reporters known for their good relationships with the Police were making reference to the surveillance of people—during vacation on the island of Icaria, for example—who were later charged with membership in the Fire Cells Conspiracy. And Tsakalos was specifically being mentioned by the press as “someone related to several neoterrorist groups” since at least February 2009, when Revolutionary Struggle parked a car bomb containing 50 kilograms of ammonium nitrate/fuel oil mixture (which ultimately didn’t explode) in front of Citibank’s main headquarters in Kifissia. The press insinuated Tsakalos’ “guilt” because the apartment he was living in at the time was just across the street from the attempted bombing.

In September 2009, Horianopoulos was the first to insist that Hatzimichelakis’ apartment was “a Fire Cells Conspiracy safe house,” yet he now admitted that it was simply an apartment and the only notable thing that went on there was a party. Also, many points of his testimony were somewhat contrary to those of his four lackeys—the Antiterrorist Unit police who were watching the apartment and who testified at the trial some weeks ago. The only suspicious thing those four saw in the garbage bags found near Hatzimichelakis’ apartment was some cabling. However, at that time Horianopoulos also took note of “gloves, work coveralls, masks, watch parts, etc.” Now, under examination by defense attorneys Frangiskos Ragousis, Ifigenia Karandrea, and C. Sipsas, and also obligated to answer Tsakalos’ and Nikolopoulos’ questions, Horianopoulos tried to portray himself as a victim who knows nothing, even to the point of recanting his own prior testimony. The defense requested to subpoena his four subordinates once again, but the judges rejected the request, saying that Horianopoulos’ testimony “clarified things.” Karandrea reminded the prosecutor that it was he himself who initially accepted the petition to examine all the police witnesses and their chief, but the prosecutor repeated that such a measure was “no longer necessary.” The strange thing is that Horianopoulos was subpoenaed to the trial on the basis of the testimony of one of his subordinates—a certain Hinopoulos who asserted that he knew nothing and that any information he did have came from his chief. Now the former chief was attempting to demonstrate just the opposite. It seems that no one in the Antiterrorist Unit is willing to take public responsibility for their actions.

After Horianopoulos’ testimony, Hatzimichelakis’ father took the stand. Among other things, he revealed a number of inconsistencies in the testimony of the police. For example, Horianopoulos said that after the Halandri apartment was raided the keys were handed over to Hatzimichelakis’ father. But Hatzimichelakis’ father refuted this, saying that the Antiterrorist Unit forced the doors and left them open after making their arrests and carrying out their search.

The trial was adjourned to Wednesday, May 16.

Posted in Greece, News | Tagged , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Challenging Convictions: Survivors of Sexual Assault/Domestic Violence Writing on Solidarity with Prison Abolition

DEADLINE EXTENDED Completed submissions due: June 15, 2012.

Like much prison abolition work, the call for this anthology comes from frustration and hope: frustration with organizers against sexual assault and domestic violence who treat the police as a universally available and as a good solution; frustration with prison abolitionists who only use “domestic violence” and “rape” as provocative examples; and, frustration with academic discussions that use only distanced third-person case studies and statistics to talk about sexual violence and the Prison Industrial Complex (PIC). But, this project also shares the hope and worth of working toward building communities without prisons and without sexual violence. Most importantly, it is anchored in the belief that resisting prisons, domestic violence, and sexual assault are inseparable.

Organizers of this anthology want to hear from survivors in conversation with prison abolition struggles. We are interested in receiving submissions from survivors who are/have been imprisoned, and survivors who have not. Both those survivors who have sought police intervention, as well as those who haven’t, are encouraged to submit. We are looking for personal essays and creative non-fiction from fellow survivors who are interested in discussing their unique needs in anti-violence work and prison abolitionism.

Discussions of sexual assault, domestic violence, police violence, prejudice within courts, and imprisonment cannot be separated from experiences of privilege and marginalization. Overwhelmingly people who are perceived to be white, straight, able-bodied, normatively masculine, settlers who are legal residents/citizens, and/or financially stable are less likely to experience violence, while also less likely to encounter the criminal injustice system than those who are not accorded the privileges associated with these positions. At the same time, sexual assault and domestic violence support centers and shelters are often designed with certain privileges assumed. We are especially interested in contributions that explore how experiences of race, ability, gender, citizenship, sexuality, or class inform your understandings of, or interactions with cops, prisons, and sexual assault/domestic violence support.

Potential topics:
· What does justice look like to you?
· Perspectives on police and prisons as a default response to sexual assault
· What do you want people in the prison abolition movement with no first hand experiences of survivorship to know?
· How did you overcome depression/feelings of futility when dealing with these systems?
· Critical reflections on why the legal system has or has not felt like an option for you
· Perspectives on the cops/PIC participating in rape culture
· Restorative justice and other methods for responding to sexual violence outside of the PIC? (if you are a settler be conscious of appropriations of indigenous methods)
· How have you felt about conversations you’ve had about the PIC?
· How sexual assault inside and outside of the PIC is treated by organizers against sexual assault, domestic violence, and the PIC
· Police and prison guards as triggers
· Responding to sexual assault and domestic violence when communities weren’t there for you
· What the legal system offers survivors and what it doesn’t
· Rants at manarchists, the writers/directors of televised cop dramas, and communities that let you down
· Survivor shaming for reporting and for not reporting to police

Please submit first-person accounts, critical reflections, essays, and creative non-fiction to survivorsinsoli [at] gmail [dot] com by JUNE 15, 2012 with “Submission” as the subject line.

Please:
· One submission per person;
· English language (we are happy to work with authors who may need assistance writing in English);
· Pseudonyms welcomed, as are name changes in the written piece.

If you are passing this on to someone without computer access:
· We accept scans of hand written letters (please include contact info for the author);
· Contact us if you require a mailing address.

Early submissions are encouraged. First time authors encouraged.

If you have questions, we welcome emails to survivorsinsoli [at] gmail [dot] com with “Question” in the subject line. We are looking for both shorter pieces of writing and longer pieces, but if your piece is more than 20 pages consider sending us an email to run the idea by us.

Please attach a short biography that you are comfortable sharing with the editors (200 word max.). This is not about your credentials, but getting to know you and where you are coming from. All information you provide will be kept confidential.

About selection and editing: Submissions will be reviewed by a group of readers who will consider if and how each written piece could contribute to the finished project. Each piece will be read by at least two readers who will contribute to the decision to accept/reject/edit the piece. Some of us working on this project have been made to feel alone as both survivors and abolitionists. Some of us have managed to carve spaces within these communities. Now we are looking to open the conversation and hear from people we’ve never met, who have struggled to practice politics in a rape culture and police state. We believe that the needs of survivors matter in these movements, and we don’t need someone else to speak for us or about us as case studies and numbers. We want to hear from you.

For more information please visit: http://survivorsinsoli.blogspot.com/
Deutsch: http://survivorsinsoli.blogspot.de/p/deutsch.html
Español: http://survivorsinsoli.blogspot.de/p/espanol.html

Posted in Analysis, Communiqués | Tagged , | Leave a comment

Bombing at European Union headquarters in Buenos Aires

From Liberación Total (May 1, 2012):

To be sincere, we must highlight that the reason why we attacked the European Union diplomatic headquarters was principally to let the Greek comrades on hunger strike and the Italian comrades who have recently suffered raids and arrests know that we are here and that the overwhelming distance separating us will not stop us from feeling complicit in the revolutionary war.

But the arrests of the Chilean comrades a few days ago in the context of the Security Bank trial struck us full-on in the jaw, and we therefore couldn’t avoid avenging them.

This noble gesture of love is directed toward those already mentioned and those we still haven’t mentioned.

Likewise, it is a call to attention for the capitalists and their mercenaries. Remember that attacks on symbols of POWER will continue to spread. Your cars, police, and banks are going to burn and explode.

To the groups and individuals who, like us, have the possibility of struggling from this side of the prison walls, we say that it is necessary to extend the offensive against Power.

TO SOW TERROR WITHIN EVERY AUTHORITARIAN HEART.

TO SPREAD CHAOS.

TO EXTEND AND STRENGTHEN THE INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION.

—CELL OF CONSPIRATORS FOR THE SPREAD OF CHAOS (INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION)

Posted in Argentina, Communiqués, News | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Riot police bus torched in Mexico City

From Liberación Total (April 30, 2012):

Don’t you have any other excuses besides a simple short circuit?

Could it be because we took action right in front of you and you didn’t even realize it?

Comrades, during the night of Monday, April 23, we torched a bus used for transporting the grenadier corps (riot police) to suppress conflicts, blockades, demonstrations, etc. At around 11 p.m., we placed an incendiary device in one of the several buses parked right beside the juvenile prison located at the corner of Avenida Obrero Mundial and Calle Peten in the Narvarte suburb of Mexico City. The incendiary device carried out its task perfectly. Though our main goal was to set fire to two buses, for various reasons we only placed one device. When we say we took action right in front of them, not only are we referring to the location of the buses behind the prison, but also to the patrol car with its lit siren and two prison guards armed with rifles a mere five meters from our target.

We didn’t attack the property of the police in response to the “injustices” they perpetrate, since we don’t believe in the justice that underpins their repressive acts. We set their property on fire as a form of attack on the very existence of police and prisons. As anarchists, we can’t frame our actions within demands that plainly advocate for citizenist causes, whether they involve tiny reforms in response to enormous problems or mere calls to punish the authorities that—under certain “policies”—are accused of incompetence, oppression, or governing badly. We should stay far away from adopting “revolutionary” slogans that perpetuate the existence of prisons, the State, and Capital. We must struggle for the complete destruction of this and any other kind of prison society!

We claim this action in solidarity with anticivilization Anarchist comrade Braulio Durán, who one day decided to take that important step in the struggle, who didn’t just sit around with a mouthful of words and instead shifted into action, who is currently imprisoned in the State’s dungeons in León, Guanajuato. We show solidarity with comrade Tortuga in Chile and we Avenge brother Mauri, who fell in combat. Solidarity with the anarchist compas suffering reprisals at the hands of the Italian State! Solidarity with the comrade prisoners from the Fire Cells Conspiracy and Revolutionary Struggle in Greece! Solidarity with the brothers and sisters recently arrested on charges of explosives possession in Chile! Revolutionary solidarity with the arrested and fugitive comrades in Barcelona!

We are warriors for freedom. We have chosen our path, and it is hard sometimes. But with conviction and total determination we move forward and do not allow ourselves to be defeated, since in our struggle against the State and Capital there can be no truce with those who want to impose their authority on us. And as a prayer, the old insurrectionary anarchist slogans:

Neither dialogue with Power, Nor mediation with the State and its institutions!

Social war on all fronts!

Long live anarchy!

—International Solidarity Conspiracy (Informal Anarchist Federation)

Posted in Communiqués, Mexico, News | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment