At the beginning of the session, five family members of the defendants took the stand, as well as a friend of the Nikolopoulos brothers. The questioning by the prosecutor and presiding judge was far too personal. They accused the mothers of “failing to keep an eye on your children in order to know what kind of company they keep” and pressured the father of the Nikolopoulos brothers to take a position on the fact that his sons admitted to being members of the Fire Cells Conspiracy as well as give his opinion on “the value of human life.” The latter line of inquiry was an obvious reference to the Fire Cells Conspiracy statement read in court two sessions ago. Defense attorney Ifigenia Karandrea and her clients reacted immediately, with Christos Tsakalos rereading part of the statement in question and emphasizing that “the presiding judge is provoking us when he says that our organization generally disregards the value of human life.”
Two more police officers—presumably “eyewitnesses” to the Fire Cells Conspiracy attack on the Ministry of Macedonia-Thrace—then took the stand, but neither one was actually on duty the day of the attack and therefore neither had anything of note to say. Nevertheless, the judges had the gall to ask them what they heard about the incident from coworkers and television.
Two store employees and and EMS worker also testified, repeatedly stating that they didn’t see the faces of the “perpetrators” and thus couldn’t describe their physical features. The judges then asked them to look at the defendants in the dock “to see if you recognize some of them.”
Three Special Guards who were “robbed of a logbook of fines by a threatening group of youths” (apparently the logbook was found during one of the searches) had nothing of consequence to contribute, nor could they positively identify anyone.
Finally, Gerasimos Arsenis took the stand. It was his apartment (which he shares with his wife Louka Katseli) that was attacked by the Fire Cells Conspiracy in September 2009. He testified that the explosion was very weak, but that “it theoretically could have endangered human lives” since the courtyard windows were broken and a door was destroyed. Arsenis neglected to mention that the Fire Cells Conspiracy placed a warning call, the apartment building was evacuated, and the courtyard windows were broken by firefighters in order to allow smoke to escape. Tsakalos and Michalis Nikolopoulos posed several questions to Arsenis in an attempt to make him recognize the political nature of the attack on his apartment, but the former minister just kept repeating that it was “an act of terrorism.”
The defense attorneys then resubmitted their request to subpoena former Antiterrorist Unit chief D. Horianopoulos, who has already ignored two prior subpoenas.
To conclude the session, Michalis Nikolopoulos read the following statement in the name of the entire Fire Cells Conspiracy:
Gerasimos Arsenis is a recognized dignitary of power. During the course of his lengthy political career, he was in charge of the Ministries of the Economy, Defense, and Education, and he also led PASOK for a time.
In short, we have in front of us a man of power whose decisions have contributed to the shape of today’s reality.
No one can forget the notorious “Arsenis reform,” which once again demonstrated that schools are nothing more than intensive laboratories for the production of docile apprentice citizens.
Institutional education constitutes a structural value for the system of power. Its role is crucial to the management and fabrication of young people’s consciences.
It is the second (the first being the family) link in the chain of submission, which essentially teaches the normal, orderly incorporation of people into the social fabric of power.
However, Arsenis knows quite well that insubordination, disobedience, and rebellion do not sit at desks, do not fit in classrooms, and do not accept recommendations.
During the era in which Arsenis was in charge of the Ministry of Education and attempted to bring about his reforms, he saw himself confronted by the absolute black rejection of the many troublemakers in the student community.
We could also say more about the other things Gerasimos Arsenis did as an institutional and political organ. But now it’s time to get to the point.
We didn’t attack Arsenis, Hinofotis, or Katseli because of the political work they undertook in the past.
We attacked the choice they made to support the structures of political power that form one of the cornerstones of the authoritarian social machine.
We didn’t attack the symptoms. We attacked the disease.
Austerity measures, economic crisis, increased repression, education reforms, and economic poverty are nothing more than symptoms of a disease called democracy.
A disease that breeds the existential poverty thriving in the metropolises of the modern Western world, a disease whose primary role is to function as cover for the beastly machine of capitalism.
Because, as our organization wrote in its communiqué accompanying the attack on Parliament: “Capitalism is the leader and democracy is its press secretary. We aren’t stupid enough to think that ‘the 300 chosen by the people’ are really in charge or have some power. Those ‘honorable ladies and gentlemen’ are clearly just there to maintain balance and execute the state’s orders.”
Therefore, as an Anarchist Revolutionary Organization we have already frequently mentioned that we aren’t asking for a better democracy. Instead, we fight democracy just like we fight every system of power.
With our weapons we take aim at those who embody domination, while through our discourse we simultaneously level a powerful critique at every social behavior that reproduces, maintains, and perpetuates the existence of authoritarian society.
We spread the new nihilism—anarcho-individualism—in Greece as well as globally through the Informal Anarchist Federation and the International Revolutionary Front.
The new nihilism will annihilate those who embody the system; explosively purge human beings of the values of submission, apathy, consumerism, and wage slavery; and blow up the whole spectrum of similar attitudes that can be found in a large portion of the social body.
The social behaviors of reconciliation, misery, and vanity of an entire silent multitude.
A multitude that has learned to fall in love from shop windows, learned to change its mood at the touch of a button on the TV remote, learned that it’s always “someone else’s fault,” and learned to never look in the mirror to view its own responsibility for the world it has built and continues to support.
A multitude that knows how to scream only when the economic interests of its own union are in play, and doesn’t even try to see the essence.
The essence of a truly free life. A life led according to values of respect, solidarity, friendship, and understanding. The creation of an anarchist culture that will shake every form of power off of every human relationship.
This sounds faraway, and it is.
But on the paths we walk, we will remain intransigent during every battle, more proud than ever.
Our day will come, and until we achieve our goal We Will Fight, We Will Fight, We Will Fight.
Because we know, just like you know, that insurrectionary anarchy is and will continue to be the regime’s internal enemy. Therefore, all you modern inquisitors of the judicial Mafia can be certain that no matter how many years you dole out through your Courts Martial, you will never be able to imprison the idea of Anarchist Revolution. You will never be able to imprison the Fire Cells Conspiracy.
Because a current of ideas can never be imprisoned.
—Imprisoned members of the Fire Cells Conspiracy Revolutionary Organization
The trial was adjourned to Friday, April 6.